By Said Shiiq, PhD
Saturday, August 09, 2008
To the extent that President Abdullahi Yusuf and Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys have been on the opposite sides of

Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys and Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed
Inbred in the notoriously unsparing culture of Mudug, where the pair spent their formative childhood, Aweys and Yusuf have long collaborated, though inadvertently, in aborting peace initiatives. Their most recent feud with their colleagues, Prime Minister Nur Adde and Chairman Sheikh Sharif, perfectly illustrate this tendency.
Striking similarities
Lest you forget, Aweys and Yusuf ascended to colonelship in
Out of step with the very institution that made them, Aweys and Yusuf took separate paths to pursue their zeal. Aweys, now loaded with a heavy dose of Wahhabi doctrine, drifted toward religious extremism until he found a solace with Al-Ittihad. He literally militarized this upstart Islamist organization and led countless deadly wars against warlords and against
His path would cross again with his historic foe, Col. Yusuf, this time in Boosaaso. It was in 1992. Yusuf was hardened clan leader with SSDF, a rebel movement initially dominated by his clan’s elite, until he wrestled it from them to put it under his domain. Boiling with clan vendetta, Yusuf utilized SSDF to breed his clan zeal.
Religious and clan zeal clashed in Boosaaso. The latter was crushed and Aweys’ young men captured Yusuf. Aweys wanted him dead, but Yusuf was freed under still unclear circumstances.
Yusuf never forgave Aweys for that, and the latter never ceased to hunt his now lifetime nemesis.
Opportunistic moves
Both men helped the other’s enemy, at times for purely opportunistic tactics. For instance, Aweys helped Jubba Valley Alliance (Dooxada Jubba) to conquer Kismayo, then under the control of Gen. Morgan. Yusuf detested Morgan, but when Morgan went to Garowe to beg him for help, Yusuf provided him amply.
Then came Arta in 2000. Led by Abdulqasim Salad Hassan, who happens to be the same clan as Aweys, it never extended its overt powers beyond pockets in
Meanwhile, Aweys was entirely in bed with Abdulqasim, who’s not particularly religious, but who undoubtedly felt that he could someday deploy Aweys against the more menacing Yusuf.
The final battle
Then came the fledgling TFG. Aweys went on a public relations offensive soon after Yusuf was selected as TFG’s president. He purported that
In 2005, Aweys opportunistically joined Muse Sudi Yalahow, Mohamed Qanyare Afrah, Osman Ato, Mohamed Dheere and myriad junior warlords for a spectacular lunch in Balcad, courtesy of Yalahow.
The occasion? To protest against TFG’s expected move to Jowhar, since
In joining these murderous warlords in a public event, Aweys was making a point in cacophony: that he was willing to go extremes to undermine Yusuf. But he inadvertently made a subtle point: that his religious zeal goes only insofar as his personal interests begin.
Yusuf is hardly better. In fact, he’s much worse. Consider this: he recently reinstated Mohamed Dheere, a man who publicly defaced him just a few years ago, simply to undermine the
Yusuf encircled himself with tribal clowns like Gen. Darwiish and murderous warlords like Abdi Qaybdiid. At his best, Yusuf mobilizes his clan at the expense of his presidency.
Since his selection as a president, Yusuf was in an overdrive to use clan vendetta to help massacre thousands of innocent civilians, and ultimately to reject any attempt to extend an olive branch to the legitimate opposition, as is done by Nur Adde.
Yusuf and Aweys’s latest feud with their onetime allies is indicative of their commitment to perpetuate violence and suffering among Somalis, purely for their pervert pleasures. Simply stated,
Somalis need not only to know about this, but to do something about it.
Said Shiiq, PhD, is a consultant and advisor to multiple international organizations. Readers’ feedback is welcome at [email protected]