Hiiraan Online

by Liban Obsiye
Wednesday, June 18, 2014

One area where the Diaspora efforts and their knowledge and skills are needed, where they have it, is in institutional development. In the book Fixing Failed states the prominent Afghani academic and politician alongside his co-author Clare Lockhart argued that without Human Capital failed states can never find their way out of poverty and violence as the very institutions needed to lead to prosperity and security would not be manned by the right people. Ghani and Lockhart saw the Diaspora returning to work and invest in their failed state homes as the trigger for development that was needed so long as they still understood local cultures and could integrate back into the societies they fled. This theory is evidenced in Rwanda and Congo where after savage civil wars both societies Diaspora returned in substantial numbers, encouraged by their governments, to work and invest. Today both nations enjoy strong social cohesion and impressive economic growth.

Somalia was a failed state until a few years ago when it elected its first internationally recognised government led by President Hassan Sheikh. Now with international support and the Diaspora returning to work and invest in large numbers it seems that an important corner towards the path of sustainable development has been turned. Today most government offices and departments are staffed by Diaspora members with often the right professional qualifications and in some not so many cases, experience. Many Director Generals of Government departments and Ministries, senior civil servants and Special Advisers are members of the Diaspora often returning home from the developed world especially western nations such as America, Canada, England and others from within the European Union. The majority of these returnees are working hard to rebuild their home nation through the establishment of processes and protocols that will strengthen the capacity of the State to function and deliver for its long suffering people. Many Somali citizens are reassured, like some key donor nations that such an educated Diaspora can only succeed in this endeavour and along the way take the local bureaucrats with them hence acting as the rising tide that lifts all the boats.

It is an undeniable fact that the Somali Diaspora now working in infant Somali institutions such as the Foreign Ministry and Central bank are crucial to educating their local counterparts, spreading international best practises learned and practised abroad in professional settings as well as enhancing donor and international investor confidence in the Somali government’s abilities. It is a credit to donor nations like Denmark, Great Britain and the USA to recognise this and directly encourage their Somali Diaspora to return to rebuild their homes and support the Somali state and people by directly paying the salaries of some of these key public sector professionals needed to make the transition from a failed to a stable state.

 The only issue that does arise when processes are examined and those implementing it are questioned is that there is no coherent strategy from the centre to which all government departments and civil servants work towards. In Rwanda straight after the savage civil war which saw Rwandans of different ethnicities hack each other to death live on TV for the world to see, a state quickly formed around the current President Paul Kagame. He rebuilt the institutions according to what he saw his nations priorities as being and those that work in the Rwandan civil service to this day, like those that worked under the late Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia, were instructed and guided heavily by Central government. In Somalia there is not this level of centralisation or coordination. Ministries are almost autonomous and work on project by project basis which is usually determined by the international community and prominent single issues and events at the time. The key civil servants and the Ministers leading the institutions are almost the bosses of that area of policy with the President occasionally looking in to see what is going on before quickly exiting unless a major disaster pulls him back in like a terrorist attack on his residence. All this provides the often well intentioned and not so well intentioned Diaspora administrators, advisers and civil servants with too much autonomy and the power of policy making in their areas. 

Autonomy in public service for both bureaucrats and service users at times is best where it is innovative and responsive. However, organisational and policy cultures in governmental institutions are also fundamental. The Somali Diaspora, despite the advantages mentioned above in terms of education and experience, have lived away from Somalia for most of the civil war and are now wanting to spearhead changes that are informed by the culture they brought from their adopted homes.  Those from the States I have spoken to now working in government Ministries in the Mogadishu speak of the usual small state, less tax and more individual freedom whereas those that have come from within the European Union, especially the Scandinavian states, are committed to developing a welfare State funded by high taxes from businesses and employees. The ideological commitments that many of the Diaspora have brought to Somali public administration can be a baggage that might be best left at the airport when they arrive as without assessment and public consultation it is impossible to implement due to their number, inherent contradictions, internal disagreements and non- compatibility with Somali culture. Donor nations no doubt want influence over the developing of new processes and institutions in Somalia and their Diaspora citizens are their best agents for this due to their education and experiences.

The Somali state is fragile and still not able to walk alone without international support and Diaspora involvement in all its forms. It is arguable whether it is even crawling on its belly at present but in order for the crawling and the progress to walking and later sprinting to occur, there needs to be central government led public administration harmonisation and alignment which is in tune with national priorities. The shape of the Somali state, its policies and future aspirations and goals needs to be decided and cemented at the centre in conjunction with the public and other stakeholders such as civil society. The Somali Diaspora are currently playing and will continue to play a crucial role in the rebuilding of Somali governmental institutions and their processes but in order that they do not make them in their adopted countries image which may not suit the Somali people, central government action, management and coordination is needed. Local solutions for local problems is a fashionable mantra in development talk but in the case of Somalia it must be strictly adhered to as the consequences of the experimental development approaches that the Diaspora and aid agencies bring with them can back fire with enormous social and financial losses.

To think of all the Diaspora returnees working in Somali institutions so naive and out of touch with Somali culture and institutional needs is unfair and wrong. Many returning today were once the elite technocrats of the past and many who grew up abroad or were even born there but returning to rebuild Somalia have had the advantage of educating themselves in some of the world’s most prestigious universities and working in some of the most important professions to  international standards. The decades Somalia was at war with itself these returnees were learning, observing and living the different cultures Somali institutions and leaders need to understand today to engage with the world and catch up in the globalisation race. To say that they are not Somali institutional insiders is absolute nonsense as throughout the civil war there were no functioning public offices that were well managed enough to have even established any national administration and policy cultures. In fact the Diaspora are today, alongside their local brethrens, assisting in the creation of the very public organisations that need to function in order for Somalia to move on. However, in working to rebuild the government departments, influence policy solutions and capacity buildings their local colleagues the Diaspora public servants and advisers need to put Somali culture and local values first where they are fair and of the greatest benefit and not adopt a western one size fits all approach.

Cultural understanding underpins global business, trade and laws. In an age of Globalisation where the wealthier nations of the world are competing for ideological and economic supremacy in poorer ones, it is important that developing nations find culturally sensitive strategies to promote and implement reforms. Policy transfers are easy and brilliant where the cultures are compatible like between Australia and England as is often the case in Immigration law and policy. But between Somali and England any transfer can be disastrous due to their enormous cultural, political and economic differences if not managed and designed with the necessary cultural competence.

The Somali Diaspora command enviable respect within Somali institutions as they have had the advantage of Western education, professional experience and are generally wealthier than the local population. They hold key posts in government and this will only be genuinely beneficial in the long term if they are able to apply their international learning and experiences on Somali policies with a healthy dose of useful Somali culture. This indeed will make the policies more legitimate and as a result easier to implement. This should hopefully make development and progress possible.