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by Zakaria Farah
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
This week marked the eighteenth anniversary since “Somaliland” unilaterally declared its independence from the rest of Somalia. The name “Somaliland” itself connotes colonial mentality. I will come back to the name issue later, but in the rest of the article I will consider Somaliland as a separate entity and without quotation marks.
While Somaliland is still unrecognized, somehow some people are “celebrating” those years in the wilderness as a milestone. Once upon time, secessionism was something to shun and frown upon.
About a decade ago, I was discussing Somali politics with a friend of mine from the region. I told my friend that Somaliland will never be recognized. My friend was taken aback by my assertion, but nonetheless wanted to know why I said such a thing.
Perhaps it is foolhardy to use the word “never” in describing anything, especially in politics, more so, Somali politics. While time did prove me right for now, I still believe in the gist of my assertion, but now instead of using the word “never”, I will say that it is “unlikely” for Somaliland to gain independence. The reasons are countless, but I will discuss the most crucial ones.
First of all, Somaliland is not “sovereign” in any sense of the word. It does not have a territory with internationally recognized boundaries. Where do you draw the line, literally? To the backers of secessionism, the line was drawn long ago by the British colonists. But how can you base your sovereignty and independence on a line drawn by a colonial master, if that line was drawn arbitrarily and unjustly?
In other words, the recognition of Somaliland will mean that the partition and division of the Somali people and territories was justified. Even the colonists will not go that far. If the logic behind Somaliland is taken to the extreme, any province or region in the world can claim independence.
The second major obstacle is Africa’s aversion to secessionism and separatism, and in this case, the unilateral declaration of independence. For any country to advance its political recognition in the United Nations and other bodies, it has to have a regional approval and bilateral agreement with the country you are claiming to secede from.
For instance, in order for Somaliland to present its case to the world, it has to have a bilateral agreement with the rest of Somalia that secessionism is to the best interest of both parties. This is unlikely to happen for various reasons not least being the ongoing conflict in Somalia.
The African Union is also unlikely to entertain the idea of dismembering a member State, especially one that is involved in a perpetual civil strife. The main reason being that, recognizing secessionism in Africa will open a Pandora’s Box. Many ethnic groups and regions in various parts of Africa, will forward their claims for independence. In fact, even the world powers are also reluctant to encourage secessionism and separatism in Africa. It is not a coincidence that very few regions have successfully seceded from another. Eritrea and East Timor are some of the provinces that have successfully seceded from a major country. Their cases are quite unique and came about through years of bloodshed and by bilateral blessings. For example, if Ethiopia did not approve of Eritrea’s secession, there will be still fighting going on.
The third complication is caused by Somalia’s clan politics. The Somali people are a homogeneous group. Somalia is one of the few nation-states in the world, where people of the same language, culture, and religion form an independent country. So there is no room for another nation-state to be created. Even more potent than nationality, is the issue of clan loyalty.
As we all know, Somalis place clan above everything else. While politicians in Hargeisa pretend that they do not subscribe to clan politics, Somaliland’s threats and opportunities, strengths and weaknesses can all be traced to clan politics. The biggest hindrance to Somaliland’s aspiration to become a separate nation lies in the two regions of Sool and Sanaag.
Those two regions are homelands to major clans and sub-clans that are not enthusiastic about separating from Somalia. They will rather become a separate “State” of Somalia or be part of “Puntland”, which is part of Somalia. Of course, there will be groups or individuals who are or will be loyal to Somaliland. But since Somali politics is not based on principles or ideologies, there will be always shifting loyalties and alliances.
Consider this: in order for Somaliland to be officially recognized by the rest of the world, Puntland has to state it has no claims on Sool and Sanaag regions, and then Somalia has to state they have no objections to Somaliland’s borders, and then AU has to recognize the boundaries, then the United Nations. I told you it was complicated.
Those are the major hurdles that prevent Somaliland’s recognition. After eighteen years, many people have come to realize what was so obvious many years ago. That unilateral declaration of independence, printing a passport and a currency, naming “cabinet ministers” and “presidents”, does not make a country. Any observer of international politics will know that independence and recognition are dictated by complicated issues that are unique to each territory.
Finally, the name “Somaliland” itself is foreign to most Somalis. If one seeks independence and sovereignty, it is baffling why one would use a name concocted by colonialists. In any case, if one has fond memories of colonialism why not use the full name, which is British Somaliland? No wonder some people mispronounce it as “Somaliline.” And what will you call people who inhabit Somaliland? Are they Somalis or Somalilanders? Perhaps they should unilaterally adopt the misnomer, “Somalian”, which is sometimes erroneously referred to the Somali people or language.
Zakaria Farah
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