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by Buri M. Hamza*
“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Introduction
My essential argument here is: the Somali people in this crucial moment of their country’s history cannot juxtapose clan politics with the nation’s sovereignty. Clan experience of Somalia has spawned the sober realization that unless a country is united, its sovereignty and territorial integrity can be easily compromised.
Somalia has since its independence in 1960 succumbed to the cruelty of a bunch of craven and effete clan politicians of the so-called major clans, whose vision has been nothing but the pursuit of exclusivist politics, which has greatly weakened the country and made it prone to regional and international infringements.
In Part Three of my assessment of the impacts of Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia, I will attempt to reach out to my fellow Somalis to reiterate to them once again that unless we all find a way out of this clan cul-de-sac, and rise up against all forms of manipulations, the risks are: Somalia and its people will languish. And if we continue to see things through clan lenses, dismiss the language of inclusion and unity, reject a more engaging approach in the way we deal with each other, and succumb to the sleazy clan politicians’ greed, the country will be doomed in perpetuity.
Clan Politics: A Destructive Political Tool
The craven and effete political “leaders” of the so-called major clans in Somalia have employed clan politics in order to acquire political clout and exercise hegemony. They have brought shame, disgrace and ruins to their country. Because of this destructive politics, the Somali nation-state is being stripped of its hallowed sovereignty and territorial integrity. The traditions and values of a very proud country are being demonized. The “leaders” of the “Transitional Federal Government” – by virtue of their dirty clan politics – have stumbled and made a mess. They have rolled out the carpet for the Ethiopian troops to move in and occupy Somalia. And by caving in to Ethiopia’s opportunistic policies, without considering the consequences of their actions, the “leaders” have degraded themselves. They will undoubtedly bequeath a legacy of shame, dishonor and indignity.
The Ethiopian occupying forces have relied on clan wedge to feed conflict and enhance divisiveness among Somalis. When asked what his understanding was of the underlying cause of the disagreements among the “key political leaders of the TFG”, in a recent interview with the Financial Times, Meles Zenawi’s response was: “I would be surprised if the usual problems among Somali politicians were to be absent.” And when asked if he meant clan issues, his reply was: “Clan issue.” The perception created by the Ethiopians is: Somalia’s crisis is all about clans. People the world over have been led to believe that Somalis are clannish by nature and that the only solution to the current Somali intractable crisis is: Ethiopia’s sponsored clan-based building-block approach.
But Meles Zenawi’s divide-and-rule strategy has not paid off. It has backfired against his occupying forces. It has bolstered resistance against occupation. The UIC is much stronger now than it was a year ago. The other national resistance forces’ resolve to kick the conquerors out of their country is gaining more momentum. There is a growing apprehension among many Somalis that clan politics has only fed into their enemies’ political strategies. Somalis in the Northeastern and Northwestern regions of the country – now referred to as Puntland and Somaliland respectively – are beginning to wake up. They are now cognizant of the fact that clan-based building-block approach – a policy pursued by the current Ethiopian government to allegedly bring about stable decentralized regional governments in Somalia – has shown to be a travesty.
Stability in Puntland is undermined by the marauding pirates who carry out activities in the Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden in search of, as alleged by international reporters, “lucrative ransom opportunities.” Prof. Abdiwali M. Ali, in his recent article, A Disappointment in the Affairs of Puntland, reveals: “Puntland is teetering on the brink of collapse; it is facing an existential crisis caused by an unbridled greed and an insatiable appetite for power and money.” Moreover, Mr. Burhan Alas, in his piece, Puntland: A Failed Leadership and Unfolding Catastrophe, eloquently depicts the gruesome consequences of an imposed clan-based building-block approach.
Somaliland, on the other hand, appears to be stuck with its “negative peace.” Notwithstanding the merits of the latter, and the fact that Somaliland has been a safe haven for thousands of Somalis who have fled fighting in other parts of Somalia, prospects for securing international recognition appear to be more elusive now than ever before. It also appears that measures undertaken to reduce poverty and elevate the opportunity cost of a potentially dangerous turmoil in the area leave a great deal to be desired. Or to put it in a different way, the “leadership” in this self-declared unrecognized ”republic” has utterly failed to rebuild the economy and reconstruct the shattered socio-economic infrastructures. This can potentially foment large-scale violence despite the relative stability and peace that now abound. This being the case, it is not in the interest of the people in the area to continue to be part of a clan dispensation that can no longer deliver. The clan-based building-block approach pursued in Somaliland will only serve the interest of a few clan elites, and mollify the political agenda of Somalia’s enemies.
Clan Politics in the Diaspora
The clan political “leaders”, who have acquired their notoriety through corrupt practices and exploitation, rely heavily on, among others, their surrogates in the diaspora. These surrogates encompass professionals, businessmen, community leaders, retired diplomats and other politicians from the former regimes, religious leaders, and to the dismay of everyone: former officers of the Somali National Army. These surrogates are skilled networkers who know how to connect with members of their clans/sub-clans. Their tribally charged mantra dismisses anything that transcends clan prejudices, bigotry and selfishness. Their ubiquity and their effectiveness in disseminating virulent clan viruses have had a far-reaching impact on the psyche of the innocent Somali nationals overseas.
Somali communities in the diaspora, notwithstanding their conviction that clan politics has undermined and subsequently failed their nation-state, do still give in to manipulations by the surrogates of their clan political “leaders.” Many of them, perhaps due to a feeling of unjustified sense of insecurity and uncertainty, succumb to these manipulations. Many respond to the surrogates’ call and participate in events where clan stupidity is hailed and revered. Many attend gatherings where the “Transitional Federal Government” or the failed “regional entities” are bestowed with clan-based blessings. Many are mobilized to attend clan-based rallies to condemn Ethiopia’s occupation – not necessarily because of Ethiopia’s bombardment of the capital city of Somalia and its quintessential dwellers, but because of what specific members of a particular “major clan” succumb to as a result of these atrocities. As if the arsenals used in the bombing of densely populated areas in Mogadishu are clan-specific.
This myopic allegiance to clan identities has engendered ambivalence and uncertainty among our fellow Somalis in the diaspora. There are divergences and clan-based conflict of ideas as regards their stance vis-à-vis Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia. There are clan-based differences in terms of their support or repudiation of the “key political leaders of the TFG.” Communities are being polarized; children are being brainwashed and constantly imbued with clan teachings; and even mosques aren’t spared.
Being originally from a region of Somalia where a profound sense of attachment to one’s geographical area transcends clan or sub-clan mentality, it would be beyond my ability to capture the subtleties of the clan psyche of Somalis of nomadic origin. Nor can I pretend to fully understand the underlying psycho-social dimensions that drive communities in the diaspora to cling to their own clans or sub-clans. I have, nonetheless, been able to uncover the mythology of the major clans’ power. The long-standing perception that they are politically dominant and powerful, no longer permeates. If I try to be more explicit here: for any major entity to have a political clout that is to be reckoned with, it must first and foremost have a strong foundation at the grassroots level. The sub-clans at the grassroots level that constitute these “major clans”, despite the fact that they share the same genealogy, post-independence political reality of Somalia has conspicuously shown the absence of political unity and cohesiveness that can glue them together.
The Way Out of Clan Cul-de-Sac
Unscathed by the indoctrinations of the political clan “leaders” and their surrogates, detribalized and conscientious Somalis in the diaspora are now poised to discredit the hegemonic discourse of the clan political “leaders” and their surrogates. And drawn by a great sense of patriotism, these nationals reject the stereotypical categorization of their fellow Somalis into four “major clans.” They also disdain the pooling of the rest into a category referred to as “others” or “0.5”. They vigorously denounce this nomenclature, and condemn the partition of Somalia into clan-based political enclaves, which have only served the interests of Somalia’s enemies, and deepened divisiveness amongst Somalis.
What truly resonates within these patriotic Somalis now is a renewed connection with their pre-independence past when “Somaliness” was sacred. And for these Somalis to further nurture “Somaliness” and become the shining beacons for their nation, they must embark on the very important task of forging a “Common Strategic Vision” for all Somalis. A broader vision that will lay the foundation for, inter-alia, the following:
- Development of strategies that would impede the institutionalization of “4.5” system, which is hegemonic and structuralist in its orientation. It is important for all Somalis to know that tribal superiority or dominance is socially constructed and that its deconstruction is essential for the gradual transformation of the society to occur.
- Dissolution of any lingering clannish tendencies that have provided a pretext for the government in Addis Ababa, and for the clan political “leaders” and their surrogates to employ clan politics in the pursuit of their sinister agendas.
- Rejection of clan-based building-block approach imposed by Meles Zenawi and his government. People the world over have been led to believe that this mechanism is tantamount to devolution of power to the grassroots. It is not true. It is synonymous to the division of the country into clan-based enclaves with the view to weakening Somali national identity, and in order to bolster the political strategies of Somalia’s enemies.
- Elaboration of a mechanism that will help elevate the image of Somalia in the world, and that will dispel the stereotypes that have been disseminated by the enemies of Somalia.
- Formulation of a strategy that will help in establishing Somali civil society organizations with a common national civic agenda. These organizations must not confine themselves to their respective clan or sub-clan areas even though many portray the image that their goals transcend clan considerations. The civil society organizations must ensure that they operate at a larger scale and have a mandate from a broader segment of the society.
- Adoption of a structuralist approach in understanding the oppressive policies pursued by certain groups in Somalia that have prompted grievances and injustices. It is important to work out a mechanism that can help in depicting past injustices perpetrated – human rights violations, expropriation of people’s properties and assets, violation of the rights of women and marginalized groups – and emphasize the fact that reconciliation requires a strong commitment to the acknowledgement of past injustices. This can be undertaken within the framework of the terms and references of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that will be established.
The above should NOT be construed as being the sole elements that will constitute the "Vision." Though the topics are proposed separately; there will, however, be a need to employ an integrated approach to ensure interconnectedness between its different components.
Conclusion
Our fellow Somalis: the world is changing. It has recently witnessed a historic moment: the nomination of the first African-American as a US presidential nominee. Barack Obama is now poised to become the most powerful man in the world. Somalia cannot continue to be racked by a debilitating clan politics promoted by the clan “leaders” of the so-called major clans that is anathema to the liberal values and convictions of a civilized world.
*Buri M. Hamza can be contacted at [email protected]