Eremias Woldemikael
October 18, 2007
Recently Prime Minister Meles Zenawi gave two of his most
interesting, calming, and stimulating interviews that he is known for.
One of them was to his party’s Tigrinya language Radio station, Dimtsi
Weyane, and the other one was to Time magazine. The Tigrinya interview
was about relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia-and the questions were
asked by the Tigrinya-listening audience of Eritrea and Tigray. The
Time interview included wide variety of issues such as Somalia, Human
rights, Ogaden, his own personal thoughts and plans for the future etc.
Generally, I am an admirer of the prime minister, but I believe one
must always critically analyze the records of especially those one
likes. Now, let us examine Meles Zenawi’s government based on these
interviews and his policies in theory and practice, and what that means
to the current problems in Ogaden.
When Meles Zenawi was asked about the treatment of Eritreans in
Ethiopia by the Tigrinya audience, he said, referring to the treatment
of Eritreans during the Ethio-Eritrean war of 1998, “We had decided to
separate and expel only those who were Security risk. This decision
however, since it was implemented in an atmosphere of rage, that in its
Implementation, it had many faults needs no argument.”[My own
translation.] As an Eritrean, his comment on this issue gave me a
special pleasure, but I will write about that on another article. For
now, I will focus on the performance of his government Policies on
paper and their Implementation. This was not the only time Meles’
government showed discrepancies between policy and Implementation.
When either Meles or Bereket Simon was asked about why his party
(EPRDF) had lost the Addis Ababa and other urban votes in 2005, his
answer was that EPRDF had focused more on the rural areas, but the
government had great policy for the urban areas as well. It just failed
to reach the voters on Implementation.
Currently, the Media and Judicial laws of the country are probably
the most confusing compared to other aspiring democracies. With the
exception of few financial newspapers and the Ethiopian Reporter, most
of the political newspapers that sprung up in the 14 years that
preceded the elections of 2005 have been either closed and or their
editors heavily and arbitrarily fined, or jailed . The limits and
boundaries of freedom of the press are not clearly defined. The formula
by which the Reporter has managed to remain without being closed is
miraculous. Often, the paper is accused of being supporter of the
government, although its news and editorial pages are often critical of
the government. The balance it has struck between being truthful in
criticizing the government and remaining in service without incurring
retaliatory punishment by the government is despite the ambiguity and
confusion of the press laws. If asked about this, I presume Mr. Zenawi
would probably say that there is a great media law, but it fails on
Implementation.
After the first round of election violence in 2005, it was clear
that the Ethiopian security forces were under-trained and
under-equipped to handle violent riots. I can imagine if the Prime
Minister were asked about the proportionality and appropriateness of
the use of force and the excessive death of 193 civilians and 6
Policemen, he would probably say that the government through the
ministries of the interior and defense had good policy on paper, but in
[you guessed it] Implementation, the policy fell short. For the record,
Meles believes that although the deaths of the high number of civilians
were regrettable, the force was proportional and the security forces
acted appropriately. Unfortunately, historians will have to make that
judgment some day.
Based on these discrepancies between official policies on paper and
the implementation of such policies, one would be justified if he or
she is hesitant about the answers of the Prime Minister to Time
Magazine about the current conditions in the Somali (Ogaden) region.
When time asked, “There are specific allegations that there have been
human rights abuses in the Ogaden region. How do you answer these?”
Meles replied, “We are supposed to have and accused of” numerous human
rights abuse. "Nobody has come up with a shred of evidence. The reason
is very simple. We know how insurgencies succeed and how they fail. And
we have experience of counter-insurgency, from when we were on the
receiving end. The most stupid mistake a counter-insurgency operation
can make is alienating the population. If you alienate the population,
you're finished. We are not going to make that mistake.”
It is true that Meles is smart and long before his answer to Time
magazine; I suspected he would remember his gorilla-fighting days and
the mistakes of the Derg regime. His reply surely does seem very
reassuring to those of us who are interested in maintaining Ethiopia as
a hopeful country on track to being an example to the horn region and
the larger African continent. His statement would undoubtedly be
convincing if the composition of the Ethiopian Military was completely
of only the former Tigrayan (TPLF) fighters.
However, contrary to criticisms about the lack of diversity in the
Ethiopian Defense Forces, the Ethiopian Military has been getting more
diversified in its enlisted personnel. The Officer Corps probably still
remains largely composed of the experienced and battle-hardened former
TPLF fighters, but its enlisted ranks are composed by the large number
of the country’s ethnic groups. This was made evident by a comment of
an Addis Ababa girl who said that the Security forces that were in
Addis Ababa during the 2005 riots were, “very dark and did not speak
Amharic or Tigrinya.” One can reasonably conclude that these soldiers
were probably of Gambella or Benishangul Gumuz origin.
Given that diversity, can the prime minister be confident that his
or his Officers’ orders will be strictly followed by those soldiers who
had very little gorilla-warfare experience?
In Ogaden, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) has been
waging brilliant propaganda warfare. It has managed to gain the
sympathy of influential Newspapers, such as the New York Times and
Washington Post; and Aid Agencies such as, Doctors without Borders or
Medicins Sans Frontieres and the International Committee of Red Cross
(ICRC). In the Propaganda Warfare, ONLF has been beating the Meles
Government. They have turned the reality of their terrorist bombing and
subsequent murder of 75 Chinese and Ethiopian civilians into a
newspaper headline that may be titled, “Victimizing Operation of the
Ethiopian Government”. The Somali regional government’s blunder has not
helped either. The regional government has made repeated mistakes in
alienating foreign reporters and well respected aid agencies. The
subsequent cry of the alienated aid agencies and ONLF propaganda has
triggered the sending of United Nations assessment team to the region.
The multi-agency UN team has recommended an Independent body should be
formed to investigate allegations of human rights abuse.
Now, the Federal government must ensure and demonstrate the lessons
of Gorilla warfare and policy of “Non-antagonizing” civilians are
Implemented on the ground by its defense forces. The government must
also do its utmost to focus attention to the murderous and terrorist
nature of the ONLF organization and question its believability and
credibility in the arena of justice and ethical use of force. Meles
must not ignore the recommendation of the UN team. The Ethiopian
government must investigate its own personnel in order to assure its
own citizens and supporters that it is accountable. If there are indeed
soldiers who have committed attrocities as media reports have
indicated, then they must be punished swiftly.
Source: American Chronicle, Oct 18, 2007