Hiiraan Online

by Dr. Ismail Adan
Saturday, May 01, 2010

Beyond fermenting short-term “blogosphere” discussions, this UDUB backed non-sequitur attempt at mud-slinging will do little to cause any real consternation amongst the Kulmiye Party, nor in Washington, London or Brussels.  More importantly, it will also not distract the voting population from the serious task at hand; namely, the peaceful and democratic transfer of power away from a repressive, brutal and evidently, increasingly desperate UDUB administration.

Before turning to the substance [or lack-thereof] of the article itself, it is worth trying to acquaint ourselves with the author.  Mr. Copley, a “late-in-the-day” pundit on Somaliland Affairs – is a man so far to the right of the political spectrum that some observers note he makes Eleanor Roosevelt look like ex Vice-President Dick Cheney.

Interestingly, if not utterly bizarrely, Somaliland.Press obsequiously lauds him as the current day nineteenth century British colonial Cecil J. Rhodes; specifically applauding his “imperial” qualities in their web pages. As the “Great White Hope”, the fact that the majority of the rest of the world views the original founder of the De Beers diamond company and the patriarch of British African colonialism, as a violent, greedy and brutal racist - who plundered and looted Africa’s natural wealth guided by overwhelming zealousness to settle, conquer, and colonize everywhere from Cape Town to Cairo - all in the name of “Empire” is sadly lost upon the salivating, and clearly misinformed editors of SomalilandPress.

Mr. Copley’s public domain website will quickly detail his numerous meetings, accolades, and prolific (if not now somewhat dated) privately-run neo-conservative think-tanks/journals [including, GIS, International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) and the Defence & Foreign Affairs Daily]. Upon first look, one can momentarily understand the giddiness of Somaliland.Press and other supporters of the Riyaale regime. A cursory glance of Mr. Copley’s site would seemingly reinforce gravitas of the author, and for fans of the “Great White Hope” such as Somaliland.Press, that would surely mean that any opinion he may have, however illegitimate, unfounded and outlandish must surely carry some weight?

In fact, the reality is very different. Mr. Copley has time and again stayed true to his ultra-conservative and often radical views, which have proven time and again completely at odds with prevailing thinking.

Most controversially, in September 2003, with respect to the Balkan crisis, Mr. Copley publicly lambasted the internationally respected Paddy Ashdown - then High Representative in Bosnia & Herzegovina and ex-leader of the British Liberal Party, for supporting a detailed report into the mass killings of Bosnian Muslims -  in effect, what turned out to be known as the Srebrenica Massacre of July 1995 in which 8,000 men and boys were killed, and between 25,000 – 30,000 refugees were “ethnically cleansed” from the area of Srebrenica by units of the Army of Republika Srpska under the command of international war criminal, General Ratko Mladic.  In Mr. Copley’s radical and callous opinion, the atrocities were merely “alleged” and “all proper investigations of the Srebrenica affair in fact showed the Islamist claim to be unsubstantiated and in many respects, without foundation at all” [Copley, ISSA, Sep 8, 2003].

In the face of the largest mass murder in Europe since World War II - later internationally legally determined as Genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – the world moved at the time to remember the dead with a shrine. Mr. Copley vehemently objected to this arguing that “memorialising the radical Islamist allegations about events in Srebrenica” was unhelpful. Even the United States, who had contributed funds to the proposed shrine, was not spared criticism. Particular venom was directed at President Clinton whom in Mr. Copley’s topsy-turvy thinking had done much to support “illegal radical Islamist activities in Bosnia during the 1990s” [Ibid].

Around the same time, Mr. Copley bizarrely wrote at length about his fear of “the attempt to create a Muslim belt from the Adriatic Sea, up into the heart of Europe”, he noted that it “has been known for many decades by the Islamists as the green transverse – the green standing for the Muslim colour and transverse meaning a line or path on the ascendant” [Defence & Foreign Affairs Daily, 2003]. Whilst Somaliland should quite rightly be extremely aware of the national and international dangers posed by radical Islam or any other form of radicalism (which the Kulmiye Party has spoken candidly on numerous occasions), - a pattern emerges of an almost pathological and at times utterly delusional fear running through core of Mr. Copley’s simplistic, and often utterly misguided Manichean “them and us” bi-polar world view.

Whether it is his rabid support for the Iraq War (at the time arguing that the ultra-right wing and deeply unpopular ex-Australian Prime Minister, John Howard was justified in going to war since Australia had “much at stake in the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea regions” [Defence & Foreign Affairs, Mar 2004]); or calling the internationally respected ex-Chief of the UN’s International Atomic Agency, Hans Blix a “lair” for not following the neo-con line on the non-existent weapons of mass destruction; or his earlier denial of the Bosnian genocide -  clearly, a profile emerges of Mr. Copley as a man whose view on anything should be taken at best with a pinch of salt, or alternatively consigned to irrelevance along with the demise of the rest of the neo-conservative movement.

Whilst reviewing Mr. Copley’s recent book, “The Art of Victory”, the venerable Hong Kong based Asian Times tellingly observed that whilst the book may have its merits, it makes sweeping generalisations and is painfully “short on specifics…[and] provides no details” [Asian Times, Jan 13, 2007]. The same can be said of Mr. Copley’s misjudged and unfounded article on Somaliland, and in particular his unwarranted defamatory attack on the much respected Kulmiye Party and its leadership.

Given the fact that the Kulmiye Party is an organisation internationally recognised as one of the most liberal, democratic, transparent and most popular political parties in Somaliland today; many observers will not recognise the baseless caricature Mr. Copley fails miserably to paint.  Quite tellingly, if not rather worryingly, the core tenets of Mr. Copley’s argument whilst posturing as “non-partisan” international analysis, will be recognisable to even the most non-seasoned political observer as little more than a near verbatim regurgitation of the same tired and baseless negative political line of the much discredited UDUB regime, propagated by them for the past several years to little effect. Namely, that the Kulmiye Party is (oddly, contradictorily in Mr Copley’s article) both too pro-Western and then anti Western; linked to Islamic extremism; secret Unionists at heart (with Somalia) and Democratic spoilers. 

Even the international community is not saved Mr. Copley’s vitriolic criticism as he warns of “active foreign interference to manipulate the electorate rolls”. The articles decent into the absurd is almost complete when the entire European Community (EC) is consigned to the role of Agitator-in-Chief with UK diplomats singled out by Copley for blame as busily plotting whilst Prime Minister Gordon Brown is “distracted” by elections back home.

From early on, Mr Copley had made his affinity for the internationally unpopular Riyaale regime clear. In contradistinction to almost every other seasoned observer and as far back as 2006, Mr. Copley was keen to sing the praises of the Riyaale regime as a “successful and stable” entity [ISSA, June 7, 2006].  In turn, President Riyaale was only more than happy to pander to the prevailing - if somewhat well founded - fear of radicalisation in the region by falsely representing himself as a bulwark against encroaching Islamists (a tactic which has failed to work in the long-run as he grows internationally isolated and increasingly despised nationally). 

With the ready availability of the “Islamist” tag, Riyaale’s cynical paradigm usefully attempted (but miserably failed) to consign any legitimate political opposition to his oppressive regime to the fringes. Given Mr. Copley’s previous track record, it is not then too surprising that he was clearly more than ready to take up such a mantle by ridiculously linking the Kulmiye Party to Shabaab without producing a single piece of corroborative evidence. 

The reference to Kulmiye’s so called thinly veiled “unionist” agenda is also lazy if not completely laughable. Unlike Mr. Copley, neither the people of Somaliland nor its seasoned international observers and friends need a history lesson on the divergent roles played by President Dahir Riyaale - Siad Barre’s ex. National Secret Service (NSS) chief, and Presidential Candidate Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, the ex. Chairman of the Somali National Movement (SNM) and a highly respected and decorated Somali Statesmen of almost 40 years.

Their respective roles during the years of struggle to obtain freedom from Mogadishu’s tyranny; the foundation of Somaliland as an independent country; as well as sacrifices made to maintain the peace and stability of Somaliland remains a question of public knowledge and does not need further expansion here.   A rhetorical question Mr. Copley may wish to consider - which other country in the world has witnessed a Presidential election being decided on the margin of 80 votes - amidst allegations of widespread mass rigging, and the challenger walking away, as Mr. Silanyo had done? 

Regardless of the controversy which surrounded Riyaale’s initial election or the subsequent seemingly endless unconstitutional extensions to his term – Mr. Copley is happy to underscore that President Riyaale was voted by “popular vote”, and at one stage almost positively gushes that UDUB is “the only political organization in Somaliland which has had practical experience in government” – almost as a justification for their continued existence in perpetuity.

However, and somewhat oddly, Mr. Copley utterly fails to contextualise this or even acknowledge this is only the case because UDUB was originally created by an incumbent President/government (the now deceased and much respected venerable President Egal), and later inherited by a much weaker successor UDUB administration led by the ex-Policemen and current incumbent Dahir Riyaale. More importantly, it is an administration which has until to this present day patently refused to submit themselves time and time again to the democratic will of the people since its controversial election in 2003 - the classic text-book autocratic modus-operandi.

At one stage, almost seemingly apologetic for the UDUB regime, Mr Copley implicitly supports the continued one-party rule and the postponement of elections, cryptically noting that “some observers” (as always we never go beyond the abstract) question against the “wisdom” of “pushing for elections” since the “three parties competing for the presidency have dramatically-varied experience” and “voter education” has not been undertaken. Which observers might that be Mr. Copley?

A point seemingly completely lost to Mr. Copley - it is this very peace and security won on the backs of the blood of countless innocent men, women and children which is now at risk because of UDUB’s policies and specifically, President Riyaale’s myopic and increasingly maniacal autocratic obsession with holding onto power at all costs.

Unlike the obstructionist, interfering and divided international community that Mr. Copley seems to describe in his article, the very opposite is true.  The international community remains focused, unified and committed to maintaining Somaliland’s fragile democracy and peace. Under the auspices of the International Democratisation Programme Steering Committee (USAID (US), DFID (UK), EC, Norway, SIDA (Sweden), Denmark and Switzerland); the international community continues to work in the interests of the Somaliland people, with all the political parties including Kulmiye, to exert necessary pressure on the ruling administration to conduct free and fair elections as soon as possible.   

Unlike Mr. Copley who unfairly apportions the blame for the non-existent elections “as a result of lack of preparation on the part of the three national parties” -the rest of the international community does not remain so blinkered and has witnessed President Riyaale’s illegitimate extension of term beyond his limit by capitalising on his quid-pro-quo relationship with the unelected (and unlawfully extended) Upper House.

The US State Department 2009 Somaliland report noted; “[b]beginning in 2006 Riyale initiated a process to extend the mandate of the unelected upper house of parliament, the Guurti, for four years. In April 2008 [and March 2009] the Guurti postponed presidential and local elections and extended President Riyale’s term in office”.

More ominously, the New York based Human Rights Watch warned as far back as last year that; “the most important caveat to everything Somaliland has achieved and the one thing that threatens those gains in the short-term is the Presidency’s consistent and brazen refusal to abide by the rule of law” [HRW Somaliland Rep Jul 2009].

The concerns of the international community on the future stability of Somaliland under UDUB, was relayed to Presidential candidate Mr. Silanyo in his recent visit to the United States in January 2010.  Upon the invitation of US Government, Mr. Silanyo met with esteemed members of Congress, State Department, and various international policy groups and Think Tanks. Mr Silanyo was also awarded with a special Congressional Commendation by the State of Minnesota for services to democracy and Somaliland. A similar request for a visit by the Riyaale administration quickly on the heels of Mr. Silanyo’s visit was reportedly flatly rejected by the United States. A clear signal as any of Washington’s displeasure and UDUB’s increasing isolation. Again, it seems historical facts are hardly in keeping with Mr. Copley vision of the world.

At the recent Congressional sub-committee hearings on Africa and Global Health (March 2010), Committee Chairman Congressman Donald Payne once again spoke at length about the United States serious concerns regarding Somaliland. It is most unfortunate that the current Riyaale administration continues to undermine Somaliland’s relationship with one of its most influential and crucial friends.

Commitment to Africa under the new Obama Administration (building on the efforts of Presidents Clinton and Bush) has redoubled. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) – a preferential program designed to spur increased African imports to the U.S. and build African trade capacity -- and the President's $48 billion Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) are designed to dramatically reshape the discourse and the depth of U.S.-Africa policy. As made clear to Mr Silanyo by Congressman Payne and others during his recent visit to Washington, Somaliland will only be able to access much development and investment resources if there is a credible, democratic and viable government in Somaliland. As proven by previous practice and made abundantly clear on numerous occasions, this is evidently not the current Riyaale administration.

With scant disregard for the rule of law, human rights or democratic ideals - the Riyaale administration has sought to trample on the people’s right to freedom of expression, assembly, liberty and security.  As the US State Department noted recently, the actions of the UDUB administration utterly “contradict democratic principles”. The report especially noted increased media harassment, excessive use of force, and the constant harassment of the opposition members.  

“On several occasions Somaliland security personnel prevented opposition political parties from meeting with supporters and from holding public rallies. For example, on April 6, Somaliland police prevented opposition supporters from holding peaceful processions to commemorate Somalia National Movement Day. Police fired in the air and would not allow party leaders to address their supporters. Security agents often prevented opposition parties from organizing public gatherings and demonstrations.”

[US State Dep Somaliland Human Rights Report, 2009]

In his utterly misguided article, Mr. Copley specifically falsely singles out three internationally respected individuals in the Kulmiye Party as having Islamist affiliations without cause or basis; Mr. Abdul-Aziz Samaale, Dr Mohamed Abdi Gaboose, and Mr. Mohamed Hashi Elmi. One wonders at what point during their very public and open careers did they suddenly volte-face to join the nefarious forces of Islamist ideology, Mr. Copley?

With respect to Mr. Samaale, the highly intelligent, measured and much respected Deputy First Speaker of Parliament needs no biographic deconstruction to rebut the slanderous allegations made against him. Beyond spearheading the efforts to curb President Riyaale’s lust for unfettered power in Parliament, one wonders what led Mr. Copley (and his background advisers and shadowy “observers”) to reach such an unfounded conclusions?

The two others named individuals, Dr Gabose and Eng. Hashi remain lions of Somaliland history whose record speaks for itself and will not be distracted by the defamatory and baseless allegations made against them by Mr. Copley. Dr Gabose is a renowned neurologist and former Minister in both the Somaliland and pre-secession Somalia governments. Mr. Hashi, is a Civil Engineer, and ex Minister of Somaliland. Interestingly, the common denominator once again here is a shared vision to stand up for democracy in the face of UDUB’s dictatorial tendencies.

Both Dr Gabose and Mr Hashi were previously arbitrarily arrested by President Riyaale for having the temerity to want start a democratic and secular political party. The resulting public outcry at their arrest included 2 people dead and five people injured in the furore surrounding their arrest. International condemnation quickly followed with the involvement of the Government of United Kingdom and Amnesty International deeming them “Prisoners of Conscience”. 

More broadly, Amnesty International also noted at the time that the Somaliland government had exploited “justifiable fear against “security attacks” to justify arbitrary arrest, detention without charge or trial and surveillance of members of civil society” [AI Somaliland Report, Mar 2009].  They also expressed concerned on the proliferation of so called “security committees” carrying out those arrests and detentions without any “oversight of national justice mechanisms” [Ibid].

Time and time again, the Riyaale UDUB administration has demonstrated a wilful disregard for international human rights and obligations, the Somaliland Constitution and the rule of law. Compounded by the arbitrary arrest and detention of journalists, excessive use of force against civilians, and the constant harassment of opposition members, both the vast majority of the Somaliland population and the watching international community have had enough. All bona-fide observers await the upcoming elections with relish, determination and hope that real change will come.

It is a shame that Mr. Copley could not use his good offices to add something more positive and constructive to the debate and but has instead fallen prey, once again, to irrational and ill considered theories which will once more, fall on deaf ears.

END