Sunday, September 07, 2014
Somalia is again at crossroads. Amisom and the Somali National army are grinding out the last remaining holdouts of al Shabaab. Most parts of the country have been liberated alongside all the major port cities.
The main challenge now is governance, and building a strong and acceptable civil administration.
The country is now embarking on laying the foundation for what will be a prosperous federation. The premise informing those who seek a federation is sound.
Somalia is a country that has endured a landscape blighted by a prolonged civil war. There are smaller clans fearing domination by larger clans.
Some regions are entertaining secessionist ambitions. There are people with grievances couched under past injustices, couched under marginalisation.
There is no shortage of atrocity. Every group in the nation, it seems, has a chip on their shoulder for some past slight. All these concerns serve as a potential minefield to the implementation of the constitution, and the rights of individuals are best guaranteed under a federation with powers devolved from the centre. A federation is the balm required to soothe the pain of civil wars and clean out the sutures of clan competition.
Kenya hosts a large number of Somali citizens, and is helping in underwriting the security of the country. Kenya has donated millions of dollars towards the cause of Somalia, and should rightly engage Somali politicians concerning the federating process.
Areas most recently liberated from the al Shabaab in the southernmost tip of Somalia like Jubba are now engulfed in political squabbles surrounding the nature of the proposed Somali federation.
Some regions have self-declared 'presidents'. Several politicians and prominent clans are making claims and counterclaims for various overlapping regions. Somali clans view each other with suspicion and distrust. There is a genuine fear that these claims are driven by clan chauvinism, and if they are not properly managed they may lead to an outbreak of conflict.
It is almost impossible to overstate the role of a clan in Somali life. The clans gave birth to the nation and the clans should have a role to play in nation building as indeed they do. Somali’s loyalties, allegiances and ambitions are centred on the clan. A federal system puts ownership of the clan within a regional consideration.
It is important we take notice of these competing considerations among clans. The first transitional government of Somalia, under Salad Hassan in 2000 after a decade of war and warlords, imploded due to factionalism and competing interests by the clans.
In 2004, a conference supported by Igad and hosted by the government of Kenya proposed that multiparty elections be held in 2008. The Somali Parliament was meant to have developed a means of solving the devolution question before the election. Unfortunately, for Somali, we did not foresee that our country would find itself in a conflict against agents of global jihadism.
It is still felt by a majority that diffusing power horizontally, through decentralisation, devolution and federation is the best way to develop our country. Leaders, however, view the positions they hold as an extension of the clan, and run the country as though it was a large clan with their personal interests taking centre stage.
We also have to consider the regions that have set up parallel governments. These regions have had some degree of success organising their regions into a sort of societal order that has escaped Mogadishu for a long time. In 1988, the national army unleashed terror against the regions thought to be unsupportive of the government resulting in deaths and a refugee crisis. Some regions also legitimately claim they have been economically marginalised, and politically sidelined by successive administrations, and are better placed to go it alone.
The concerns of these regions are valid but can be addressed in a constitution that will devolve power to various regions. The Somali nation is strongest when it is united. All talks should be guided by the spirit of reconciliation.
We need to work towards building a bigger idea of the Somali nation that will serve as a tent for all the smaller groups to camp out under.
We need better discussions and agreements around the federal nature of the new Somalia.
The federation procedure is clearly spelt out and regimented, and leaves no room whatsoever for arbitrary measures by individuals to circumvent the process of federation.
The constitution does not recognise clans, and expects the federating process to be voluntary by different administrative units. The situation whereby clans and militias dispute over overlapping territories should be non-existent.
The constitution requires us to accommodate each other, and be considerate of others concerns and fears.
Somalia still needs to hash out issues surrounding federations, and ignore the setting up of superstates under political leaders and clans.
A federation should not only be there for the elites, but it should permeate to the grassroots and be founded upon dialogue, public consultation – as is mandated by the Somali Provisional Constitution.
Somalia needs an all-inclusive consultative process with all relevant stakeholders.
The President and all members of the federal government must uphold and respect all principles relevant to the formation of civil administrations, especially the projected federation.